CIRC 2026 Reflection

The 23rd Chinese Internet Research Conference (CIRC) took place at the University of Alberta on June 22-23, 2026, focusing on “The Chinese Internet in the Era of Uncertainty.” The event featured 34 papers, including 17 by students, 14 by professors, and 3 by independent scholars. Keynote presentations included Cara Wallis on marginalized groups in digital spaces and Guobin Yang on contrasting local “earthy Flavour” with “AI Flavour,” highlighting Chinese users' aversion to artificiality. The conference provided insights into the complexities of Chinese internet discourse, illustrating its dual role in regime control and individual survival.

Conference Highlights

These presentations highlighted a central theme: the profound instability and uncertainty felt across all levels of Chinese society, and how digital platforms can amplify people's feelings and help them stay alive in such an environment.

• Online hustle culture amid massive unemployment: As youth unemployment rises, online self-study rooms in Bilibili and Douyin have become spaces where young people navigate severe burnout and intense competition. (Muyao Jiang)
• Urbanism of digital influencers: Digital platforms are reconstructing physical public life, whether it is through the algorithmic amplification of Shanghai's “Citywalks” by RedNote or the barbaric livestreaming spectacles on Shenzhen’s Old Street. (Anthony Fung)
• Algorithmic labour governance: The vertical geography of platform cities exploits disadvantaged labour, downgrading workers like Freshippo pickers to strictly supervised digital “accounts” paid on a piece-rate basis (Weijian Yu).
• Information fencing and global expansion: Chinese social media platforms are adopting regional separation strategies to navigate international regulatory challenges, exemplified by schemes like "One App, Two Systems". These methods, used by platforms such as WeChat and TikTok, aim to mitigate legal conflicts and market risks but often result in governance spillovers due to ongoing ties to domestic regulations. Despite significant investments, these strategies do not resolve geopolitical issues, as the reliance on Chinese development teams imbues the platforms with a persistent "national " This trend highlights the transition from China's previous "intranet" era toward a more fragmented, globally guarded internet landscape. (Vincent Brussee)
• Digital migration facilities: Digital migration facilities, exemplified by Kuaishou, act as essential digital infrastructure enabling "labour influencer-brokers" to facilitate unofficial transnational mobility for rural Chinese workers amid domestic economic challenges. This transformation reinterprets the Chinese internet from a controlled space to a source of "hope " In an environment where traditional systems falter, marginalized groups cultivate trust through brokers' relatable actions. Brokers harness economic fear to promote migration aspirations and present border limitations as surmountable challenges, illustrating a platform-driven immigration model where individuals navigate risks to secure low-wage employment in Australia, effectively circumventing formal state oversight. (Jian Xu)

The conference also emphasized the increasing dialogue in women's and gender minorities' rights:

• Care entrepreneurship and transnational solidarity: In the face of online sexism and platform censorship, feminist content creators are turning to "care entrepreneurship". By providing non-confrontational therapy services and developing exclusive "all-women communities," they securely incorporate feminist ideas into the platform economy. (Huiran Yi)
• Strategic indirectness in podcasting: Because podcasting is a slower, more conversational, more “acoustic” media format, it provides a stable environment for situated feminist knowledge. Podcasting hosts intentionally avoid direct political mobilization, instead incorporating gender criticisms into conversations of family and everyday life. (Mengyuan Chen)
• The Paris 2024 Olympics Opening Ceremony elicited a strong backlash in China due to its LGBT representations, revealing a tension between grassroots conservatism and government's The Chinese government adopted a "Paradox of Silence," refraining from direct anti-LGBT propaganda while pausing a broadcast moment to avoid explicit endorsement or opposition. In contrast, online discourse framed LGBT visibility as a demographic threat, aligning with China’s push for traditional heterosexual values. Chinese netizens often depict LGBT communities as a 'privileged class' threatening cultural autonomy, thereby opposing gender diversity as a patriotic act. This conservative online narrative highlights contradictions between traditional beliefs and rising progressive gender politics, posing significant challenges to LGBT visibility amid increasing state restrictions and misinformation, further marginalizing these individuals in the socio-political landscape. (Heng Smone Wang)

Lessons from Chinese Netizens During Times of Uncertainty

A critical lesson from Chinese internet users is their adaptability in a restrictive environment. Despite a declining economy and algorithmic government control, netizens innovate not just to survive but to explore new life paths and engage in meaningful causes. The internet serves as a vital medium for idea exchange and fosters resilience, as seen in online feminist activism. Users also turn to digital spaces for community and support, while some seek opportunities abroad through online labour brokers, despite potential exploitation. For many, the internet represents essential "hope labour," offering agency and resilience in a heavily regulated society.

Connections to Current Taiwan Studies

The development of the Chinese internet has major consequences for Taiwan research. The internet is the ultimate battleground for public opinion, and the Chinese Communist Party's (CCP) use of "Information Fences" exemplifies a very sophisticated approach to narrative management.

Understanding the CCP's management of domestic internet issues is vital for Taiwan studies. By isolating its internet, the CCP fosters a unique digital environment that promotes nationalism and repressive ideologies. This contrasts sharply with Taiwan's decentralized, democratic digital space. As the Chinese become more isolated online, the cognitive gap between internet users across the strait is likely to widen, complicating future diplomatic and social interactions.

The current uncertainty has also changed the conversations on the Chinese internet about the "Wutong" (military "reunification"). Most comments still support the use of force due to the censorship. However, during data collection, some degree of opposition is observed. The dissenting comments were mainly due to dissatisfaction with the economic situation in China and to comparisons of the employment rate and wages between the two sides of the Taiwan Strait.

Furthermore, China's info warfare against Taiwan consistently revolves around provoking specific narratives. In recent years, the main themes promoted by the CCP have been sentiments of “U.S. skeptic” (The notion that Taiwan is being used as a puppet by an untrustworthy ally, the United States), “military skeptic” (skepticism regarding Taiwan's military's capacity to fend against a Chinese invasion) and “Lai skeptic” (A cross-strait conflict may be sparked by President Lai Ching-te's pro-sovereignty position). They try to smear the ruling party by creating targeted narratives on local issues such as food safety and associating it with incompetence and ethical transgressions.

Post Conference Banff Camping Trip:

The two-day post-conference camping trip in Banff aimed to foster intellectual engagement and build trust for future academic collaboration. For many participants from crowded metropolitan areas, the experience of camping in the Canadian Rockies was new and memorable. Activities like hiking to Lake Agnes Tea House and encountering wild elk enhanced the trip's natural beauty. Most importantly, evening campfires facilitated informal discussions, allowing for an exchange of ideas that wouldn't occur in a conventional conference setting.

 

 

 

 

Academic Freedom and the Red Line

Discussing the present academic climate in China with people studying very "sensitive" subjects (such as marginalized gender identity or labour exploitation) inevitably generates worries about their own safety. One participant disclosed an unwritten norm in Chinese academia: unless scholars' activity involves "inciting assembly," they are often not in immediate physical danger. The state appears to tolerate some amount of scholarly debate as long as it does not devolve into organized collective action or jeopardize the government's legitimacy. Furthermore, if these people have to return to China to find a job owing to their incapacity to live in democratic nations for an extended period of time, they will be "OK" as long as their resumes do not include "sensitive" research.

Key Takeaways

Ultimately, the conversations at CIRC reflect a situation in which people are caught between old and new cultures, market exploitation, and tightening authoritarian controls. The common thread is fundamental grassroots survival rather than systemic opposition, whether it is a gig worker submitting to a logistical algorithm, young people participating in an "online study room" to find like-minded people under a massive unemployment rate, or women overcoming harsh patriarchal norms. Simultaneously, the Chinese government demonstrates remarkable expertise in ensuring its own legitimacy by skillfully shifting from harsh suppression to flexible, algorithmic regulation. Instead of solely obstructing information, the state thrives by exploiting platform infrastructures and taking advantage of issues such as gender disputes as pressure points to deflect attention from more significant systematic failures. This allows the state to smoothly reroute public opinion in real time to protect against systemic instability.

By Jessica Chang, Research Associate in the Taiwan Studies Program